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Post-khomeini cinema - an overview Since the early s, Iranian politics, economy, and culture have undergone a number of significant developments that have impacted the film industry and cinema.

One of these was a debate that surfaced during the summer of over what one faction of the government called an organized, multifaceted "cultural invasion" of the country by "Western imperialism. Surprisingly, the relatively new literary journal, Gardunwhose cover nos.

However, a few months later it was shut down and its editor prosecuted. Other editors were subsequently harassed and prosecuted. The debate took its toll among high-ranking officials as well: In FebruaryPresident Hashemi-Rafsanjani's brother, Mohammad, who Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht headed the broadcasting networks for many years was ousted.

Soon, the director of the Farabi Cinema Foundation, Mohammad Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht, who had guided the new organization into the most formidable film institution in the country was also removed. These changes followed the removal earlier of Prime Minister Mir Hossein Musavi during whose reign these and other officials had created the nucleus of a "committed" Iranian cinema, culture, and broadcasting see below.

With their removal, a new, post-Khomeini era began. Its immediate impact on the cinema was to set into motion a period of anxious uncertainty, from which the industry appears to be emerging relatively unscathed. The attempts by the Rafsanjani government to privatize instead of nationalize major industries was extended to cinema as well, causing the government to reevaluate and to partially remove the subsidies it had provided the film industry.

This was met with dire predictions about the imminent collapse of the film industry-one that has failed to materialize so far. However, if Rafsanjani' s Second Economic Plan does not reduce the very high inflation rate between 30 and 50 percent and unemployment rate between 12 to 20 percent and does not increase investment in non-oil industries and rationalize its foreign exchange policies, the film industry and the society as a whole will suffer greatly1. For now, a progressive rating system appears to encourage the production of quality films.

It awards grade "A" films with the best exhibition sites, opening dates, and longer runs and it grants the makers of such films a higher budget and lower interest loans.

Grade A filmmakers are also exempted from having to submit their screenplays for approval before they begin production2. All these measures have created the unusual situation in which the higher quality films are sometimes the most popular films. Censorship and intimidation of filmmakers, artists, and intellectuals, however, have continued. A number of films are banned, even those made by grade A filmmakers. Noting that both state-subsidized and strictly commercialized cinemas would undermine the "national film Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht by opening it to an assault by popular foreign films, the signatories demanded a reduction of the useless and stifling rules and a strengthening of.

In essence, they were demanding self-regulation and a move out of the political into the professional sphere-a demand that will take years and a paradigmatic ideological reorientation to be fully realized. In the meantime, despite Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht cultural invasion debates fanned by hardliners, the high cost of newsprint, and stringent censorship film journalism is thriving with daily, weekly, monthly, and quarterly periodicals published about cinema4.

Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht this period the exhibition of quality films in international film festivals has continued apace, garnering increasingly positive evaluations both for Iranian cinema and its individual filmmakers. In the director of a major U. The international acclaim of Iranian cinema does not seem to have garnered the political prestige for the Islamist government that the Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht opponents in exile had feared and predicted.

A key reason might be that the Iranian exiles, the international audiences, and the film reviewing establishments abroad are all sophisticated enough to be able to either ignore or understand the stringent contexts in which the films are produced.

Unlike some of the exiles who focus solely on the political issues and on governmental machinations and manipulations of the media, these viewers and reviewers tend to place their emphasis on the ingenuity and the skill of the filmmakers themselves. They give the credit for high quality films to the filmmakers not to the government's largess or manipulative capacity. Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht films are being shown individually, in series, and in festival forms annually in many countries and in the U.

A number of the films have been shown outside festivals, within the commercial film circuit. For example, in SummerMakhmalbaf's Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht. Salaam Sinema Salaam Cinema, was not only screened in Cannes Film Festival but also was simultaneously shown in three cinemas in Paris.

At the same time, The Jar Khomreh,directed by Ebrahim Forouzesh, was being shown in a Paris commercial theater. Inside nearly fifty pages were devoted to discussing his work. Iranian participation in international film festivals is not just to gain prestige for the film industry, individual filmmakers, or the government. However popular some of the output of the current cinema might be inside Iran, the sixty million population of the country does not appear to be large enough or economically robust enough fully to support an indigenous commercial film industry.

Entering films in international festivals and broadcasting them on national networks in Europe particularly in France and Germany are the correct but the initial steps in creating such markets. More effort is needed to break into the global commercial distribution networks.

Although women continue to be the most regulated and officially controlled sectors of the Iranian society and cinema, their presence and influence both behind and in front of the cameras have steadily grown. As a legitimate profession, the film industry now attracts women to all areas, including cinematography, which until very recently was totally monopolized by men7.

Video and satellite TV have posed particularly vexing problems for the regime and have offered its opponents opportunities for cultural negotiation and resistance. From the beginning, the Islamist government has had a love-hate relationship with video, fearing that it would undermine the "Islamic culture" that it was propagating.

This in turn encouraged the growth of a burgeoning but fluctuating black. However, with the popularity of the global satellite networks in Iran in mids, the government was forced to take a decisive action, itself becoming a promoter and distributor of feature films and TV serials on video.

This was viewed as a key method for combating the cultural invasion against the Islamic Republic that the powerful global satellite TV networks were supposedly leading with their highly attractive programming and channels-among them, Sky Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht, CNN, and MTV Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht. However, the quantity, quality, and variety of the videos that were officially allowed came up short of both the expectation and the competition.

As a result, after much debate within the Parliament and the ruling circles, in Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Ali Araki issued a fatva banning satellite TV. It is interesting to note that the Ayatollah Araki' s language of foreign TV and pop culture as "decadence" and "disease" is entirely in line with the metaphors of "corruption" and "disease" that Nawab Safavi and Khomeini had employed for cinema years earlier see below.

Anecdotal reports indicate that despite some arrests and fines, the ban has not been entirely successful and the owners of the equipment have found creative ways of camouflaging or of miniaturizing of their satellite dishes.

This failure and the loop-holes within the rules themselves that exempt government officials and foreign legations from the ban have created a fluid cultural space in which all kinds of slippage Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht transgressions as well as countermeasures are possible.

For example, in addition to freeing video and banning satellite TV, the government has responded to the fluidity of the situation by a massive effort at increasing film production, building of new cinemas and cinema complexes, and creating of new television networks aimed at satisfying the needs and desires of two of the largest segments of the populations: This Post-Khomeini cinema section was designed to provide a brief overview on the current Iranian cinema, updating the rest of Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht article below.

On a hot day on August 10,during the last year of the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, Hosain Takab'alizadeh and his two friends, Farajollah and Hayat, walked into Rex theatre in the city of Abadan, the site of one of the largest oil refineries in the world. They were each carrying a brown bag containing a bottle of high octane airplane fuel and matches.

They joined the audience, which was engrossed in Gavaznha Deersa film about Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht anti-government smuggler. Half way through, Hosain and Farajollah left the hall, doused the three closed exit doors with gasoline, set Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht doors on fire, and fled from the scene.

The fire quickly spread, engulfing the entire building. Unable to escape or quell the flames, Hayat along with over others trapped inside, burned to death in the fiery inferno12 Anti-Shah revolutionary Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht found its rallying point and the city of Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht, which up to that time had remained relatively calm, was galvanized into action and joined the protest movement.

Although government sources attempted to place the blame for the incident on religious factions, the overwhelming public consensus held the by now discredited government responsible. Testimonies and documents compiled. From then on, destroying cinemas became a key symbolic act against the government of the Shah, during whose time cinema was considered, especially by clerics and religious folks, to be filled with Western mores of sex and violence and part of the imperialist strategy to "spray poison" and corrupt Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht thoughts and ethics Although some among the opposition accused the Shah's government of setting cinemas on fire, the leaflets and samizdats they themselves issued clearly shows that Meet sexy girls in Diekirch either urged destruction of cinemas and banks as representation of Pahlavi cultural and economic system or reported such action in glowing terms Anti-cinema feelings run deep in Iran.

Historically, religious attitudes, intensified by activist clerical leaders since the Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht of films into Iran inhave consistently condemned cinema as a morally offensive and an ethically corrupting Western influence. The "influence" was seen to be direct and unidirectional. In fact, the clerical elite seem to have subscribed to a "hypodermic theory" of ideology, whereby, similar to the Althusserian formulation, the mere injection of ideology transforms an autonomous and ethical "individual" into a dependent, corrupt "subject" Cinema as a Western import is condemned consistently in the religious literature on account of its hegemonic and interpellate power, which is seen to be irreversible and total.

For instance, there is a report that in a major clerical figure, Shaikh Fazlollah Nuri, attended Iran's first public moviehouse in Tehran and proscribed it, causing it to shut down only after one month of operation We do not know for sure his reasons for this, but this action fits. Mojtaba Navab-Safavi, one of the leaders of Feda'iyan-e Eslam in Iran, a fundamentalist group operating in the s, selects a different but equally powerful and graphic metaphor to talk about cinema and its supposedly direct effect on society.

He calls cinema, Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht with other Western imports romantic novels and musica "smelting furnace," which melts away all the wholesome values and virtues of a Muslim society Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, too, in two of his important works prior to the revolution, links cinema directly with the onset of corruption, licentiousness, prostitution, moral cowardice, and cultural dependence.

According to him, cinema, as well as other manifestations of Westernization theatre, dancing, and mixed sex swimming"rape the youth of our country and stifle in them the spirit of virtue and bravery" In Velayat-e Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht, written many years later, Khomeini hammers on this theme of cinema and entertainment as Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht direct cause of prostitution, corruption, and political dependence. Indeed, he is a proponent of the hypodermic theory of ideology, using the term "injection" tazriq to describe the ill effects of Westernization.

For example, he posits that Reza Shah's policy of removing the veil from women and imposing hats and Western clothing on men "injects" immorality, vice, and dishonesty22; while, religious education "injects self-sacrifice and service to the country and to the people" It is significant to note that despite the hypodermic and unmediated formulation of the effect of motion pictures, none of these leaders seem to have considered cinema's ideological "work" alone but in the context of overdetermination of Westernization in Iran.

Cinema is seen as one of the. This is a significant formulation in that it considers, however crudely and without self-reflexivity, the intertextuality and crossfertilization of the signifying institutions of the society, such as, the mass media.

Without taking into consideration these contradictory structurations, we can discuss neither what Horkheimer and Adorno pessimistically have called the "ruthless unity" of the culture25, nor what Khomeini and others have called the "society of idolatry," or the "culture of idolatry" It is also significant to note that both Navab-Safavi Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht Khomeini are willing to entertain Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht idea of adopting cinema only if it is done "properly" and "ethically.

Oral sex in Vienna is what Navab-Safavi says:. Moviehouses, theatres, novels, and popular songs must be completely removed and their middleman punished according to the holy Islamic law. And if the use of motion picture industry is deemed necessary for society, [then] the history of Islam and Iran and useful material such as medical, agricultural, and industrial lessons should be produced under the supervision Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht chaste professors and Islamic scholars observing the principles and criteria of the holy religion of Islam and then shown [to the public] for education, reform, and socially wholesome entertainment Khomeini spells out a similar theme, only years later, upon his triumphant return to Iran after the fall of the Shah.

In Behesht-e Zahra cemetery, he announced:. We are not opposed to cinema, to radio, or to television [ It is the misuse of cinema that we are opposed to, a misuse caused by the treacherous policies of our rulers In these passages, clerical leaders are not speaking of removal and proscription of cinema; instead, they both are advocating its adoption as an ideological apparatus to combat the Pahlavi culture and usher in an Islamic culture.

The major concepts frequently pronounced by authorities when speaking of "Islamic culture" can be classified under the following categories: To appreciate the process of its development, I will present a more Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht less chronological history of cinema since the revolution ofmaking references to these cultural categories when it is warranted.

Ten years after the establishment of the Islamic government, a new cinema is emerging which is markedly different from the one Fwb personals in Brno during the preceding regime. Thus, there is good cause to expect the Islamic Revolution in Iran and its preconditions to have helped create Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht new, "Islamic" cinema.

This expectation is marred, however, by the perception, almost universal in the West, that Shi'i Islam as practiced in Iran today, is antimodern and backward. The widely-reported curtailment by the Islamic Republic of Western-style performing arts and entertainment and its maltreatment of entertainers, have certainly reinforced Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht impressions.

None-the-less, it is the thesis of this essay that the Islamic Revolution has Nsa relationship in Marv Dasht to the emergence of a new, vital cinema, with its own special industrial and financial structure and unique ideological, thematic, and production values. This is, of course, part of a more general transformation in the political culture of Iran.


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